Setback for 'Pivot to Asia'--Chùm tin liênquan(tiếng Anh)

07-08-2012 17:49 Setback for 'Pivot to Asia'

By Tong Kim The aborted signing of the General Security of Military Information Agreement with Japan has revealed a critical flaw in the Lee Myung-bak government’s decision-making process, raising troubling questions about the substance and implications of the proposed agreement. It has become an issue for domestic politics, and has triggered a new debate on related security issues involving the Korean Peninsula, the United States, Japan and China. The problem with the process surfaced when the foreign ministry made the June 26 announcement of a surreptitious passage of the military information sharing agreement at a Cabinet meeting without public knowledge or consultation with the national legislature. This immediately incurred strong protests from both ruling and opposition parties against the improper manner in which the agreement was being pushed. The planned mutual signing in Tokyo for June 29, at 4 p.m., was cancelled at the last minute. The fallout from this incredible episode is continuing. The prime minister has apologized for the incident but the opposition parties are demanding a presidential apology and the dismissal of the prime minister and the two relevant ministers of foreign affairs and national defense. In the meantime, a high-level presidential secretary and a foreign ministry spokesman have resigned, and the relevant foreign ministry bureau director replaced. Before his resignation, Blue House secretary for strategic planning Kim Tae-hyo was targeted as the main culprit for pushing through the agreement. He was one of the President’s few most trusted security advisors. His resignation came after he was suspected of reflecting his personal support for a trilateral alliance among South Korea, Japan and the United States. This episode has shown that under a presidential system, an adviser who has the president’s confidence often influences foreign policy decision, especially when that area is not the head of state’s fortitude. A president is not expected to be an expert in all issues, but is meant to choose the right assistants to rely on for good advice for national interests. In democratic governance, process is as important as substance. Some of the President’s people have argued the agreement was not subject to the legislature’s approval since it was not a treaty. They also argued that it should not be an issue, because the Seoul government has already signed similar agreements with 24 other countries, including Russia, and that South Korea could sign an agreement of the same nature with China. This argument misses the point that because of the two nations’ history, any military deal with Japan is a political and emotional issue for Korea. Japan’s move to reinterpret its “peace constitution” to expand the role of the Self-Defense Forces and its recent legislation allowing room for possible nuclear armament has aroused concerns in the South. In addition, there are a number of unresolved issues with Japan, including the Dokdo Islets. Given Japan’s superior intelligence gathering capabilities, there are some short-term merits of the proposed exchange of military intelligence to cope with the threat of North Korean military activities, including missile and nuclear tests. However, the Korean public is not convinced that this measure is the best option available to deter North Korean attack or provocations. There are several good questions. Is the proposed agreement a prelude to a Korea-Japan military alliance or an eventual trilateral alliance between Korea, Japan and the United States to be pitted against a rising China? Is it part of an overall design of America’s “Pivot to Asia” strategy to contain and encircle China? How would it affect the South’s relations with the North and China? Would it pave the way for the resurgence of Japanese militarism? Would it lead to a new Cold War structure in the region with the United States, South Korea and Japan on the one side and China, North Korea, and Russia on the other? It is well known that the United States has long favored increased military cooperation between the South and Japan and integrating Japan’s military assets into an overall East Asian security strategy. The failure to formalize a South Korea-Japan military pact is certainly a setback for its current Pivot to Asia policy. It seems that Washington underestimated the negative sentiments of the Korean people toward Japan and overestimated the Lee administration’s ability to deliver a favorable outcome. Beijing state media ― The Global Times _ defined on July 3 the South Korea-Japan military pact as “a threat to China” and argued the deal, if signed, would hurt the South’s relations with China, and would turn U.S. alliances with Japan and South Korea into a “triangular alliance” targeting China. The paper urged the Chinese government to pressure Seoul out of the deal. Pyongyang’s KCNA on July 4 and 5 claimed that the military agreement with Japan “would pave the way for Japanese militarist force’s reinvasion of Korea.” The KCNA went on to claim, “The main U.S. goal is to complete the formation of a triangular military alliance … for dominating the Korean Peninsula and the rest of Asia.” Although the Blue House said it is committed to signing the agreement after consulting the National Assembly, the lame-duck President would be unlikely to be able to do so with the presidential election only six months away. The proposal is controversial and clearly divisive in the views of the public. The ruling Saenuri Party wants the issue turned over to the next president. While it is important to maintain vigilance against threats from the North, efforts for tension reduction and peace are also important. By the same token, the Pivot to Asia strategy should not rely exclusively on military measures. Any military solution is costly and is not adequate to achieve the strategic goal in this complicated region. A proper mix of might and diplomacy should be the answer. What’s your take?  http://www.koreatimes.co.kr/www/news/opinon/2012/07/167_114711.html The writer is a visiting research professor at Korea University and a visiting professor at the University of North Korean Studies. He is also an adjunct professor at Johns Hopkins University School of Advanced International Studies. 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